Ritual Funeral Text Tang 665 from the Tangut Collection of IOM, RAS


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This paper represents a brief study and a translation of a ritual funeral text dated to the 11th-13th сc. Despite its brevity, the manuscript is a consistent and complete fragment describing the ritual and proving the doubtless similarity between the Tangut and Tibetan religious traditions. The very age of the text attests to the fact that this tradition has survived down to the present day in unaltered form.
 
 

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Kirill Bogdanov Ritual Funeral Text Tang 665 from the Tangut Collection of IOM, RAS Abstract: This paper represents a brief study and a translation of a ritual funeral text dated to the 11th-13th сc. Despite its brevity, the manuscript is a consistent and complete fragment describing the ritual and proving the doubtless similarity between the Tangut and Tibetan religious traditions. The very age of the text attests to the fact that this tradition has survived down to the present day in unaltered form. Key words: Khara-Khoto, funeral ritual, bardo teaching, Tangut Buddhism The Description and Identification of the Manuscript This manuscript Tang 665 was selected for study when a catalog of the Tangut collection kept at the IOM, RAS was being compiled in 2005-121 under the supervision of Evgenii Kychanov (1932-2013). As a rule, the process involved special descriptions of those books whose bindings differed from those traditional or regular for canonical texts (pothi, scrolls, and accordion book) and which looked more like small copybooks. This manuscript is a book with its pages sewn in that way; its two folios, each with text on both sides, measure 17.5 by 12.3 cm. The cursive handwriting is fairly legible (cf. Pl. 1-4). Concerning dating, we can easily determine that it belongs to the 11th-13th cc., that is to say, it is the same age as the bulk of the items collected by Piotr Kozlov (1863-1935). The visible features of the text reveal its structure to be an alternation of poetic and prosaic parts. The latter contain 15 characters per line; a poetic line consists of two parts (each of 7 characters) separated by a caesura. This brief handwritten fragment represents part of the burial procedure, but it also is logically consistent which provides reliable grounds for making it the object of a separate study. © Kirill Mikhailovich Bogdanov, Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, Russian Academy of Sciences 1 Until recent times this manuscript was registered under inv. No. 4084. This unattributed fragment was entered in the inventory by E.I. Kychanov along with other items in the 1950s. The self-sufficiency of the text, legible handwriting and good condition of the manuscript simplified its reading and comprehension.[96] The basis for this short study was found in the translation of the title written over the top righthand margin of page 3: ie ÷ ngiw¯· tśia vi÷ e śi÷ ei÷ [97] 僞塹伎豕膏 Ritual [sequence] of cutting in the temple. Firstly, this clearly indicated the nature of the ritual described; and it did indeed soon become clear that the text dealt with funerals. Secondly, the positioning of the inscription on the margin before the text body indicated that the title concerned either the previous or, more likely, the following chapter or text, a component of some larger whole text cycle.4 Text’s Characteristics Now it is the time to address the text. An indication that the book was used for practical purposes is the line containing the formula someone’s name intended to be replaced with the actual name of the dead or dying person for whom the ritual was performed: źiọn si liwụ lin mi÷ ẹ swi ni÷ e÷ 昏嶝頂觝淙剄姑 “Someone’s name’s life is expiring. The body will be changed, changed”. (p. 2) The following lines reveal that a lama read the text over the body of a disciple, i.e. a monk or some person following the path of the Buddhist teaching: liwụ lin ndzi÷ e ngi m÷ ¯ tśhia śi÷ ¯÷ 頂觝薪掴朿顔縅 “The body has changed, the disciple will ascend to the heaven!” (p. 3) That personal and at the same time social characterization of the deceased determined both the form and the content of the ritual. The text states the points of doctrine relevant for the ritual, along with the established rules. The latter were traditionally supported by diverse metaphors and comparisons making it easier to perceive the sense correctly and in-depth. At the same time, these metaphors provide the text with a degree of artistic value. Its basic idea is the following: as soon as one feels that death is imminent, one should immediately and decisively give up one’s attachment to the temporary and fragile body: liwụ ˙m tsi ti ndzu kụo tsẹш ndziwo liwụ mi ˙i÷ u ndzin ni÷ ẹ÷ 頂杉求萄側腿肅假頂閥侖乳隈 “Do not feel affection for [your] body and do not love it! A human body is short-lived, you are about to borrow another”. (p. 1) Such are the initial lines of the fragment; this appeal was repeated more than once when the ritual was performed. The body belonged to and symbolized the fleeting and illusory world that was also to be rejected. Instead, the spirit of the dying (or already dead) person is exhorted to consider the Buddhist faith, to apply every effort in order to purify the nie÷ 俘 (Chin. xin 心, “mind”, “consciousness”) of all affectations, to acquire the new nature of disembodied being, to ascend, and later, fate permitting, to achieve a better rebirth. Religious and Ethno Cultural Parallels in Ritual Context Now, we should take a closer look at certain peculiarities of the ritual found in the text.[98] They are of interest as they make the procedure comparable with later descriptions of the burial traditions of the Tibetans, Buryats, and Mongols. The manuscript contains the following lines: źiọn si liwụ lin vi÷ ¯÷ tsin na / thi tha ˙ia ta mbi÷ u ngi÷ ẹi ti÷ ẹi / thi l÷ ¯ wo ta na liwụ ndzạ÷ 昏嶝頂觝冂梠肅郁絛據棘孤垢鞄郁柁怐梠烱頂潅 “Listen about the expiry of life and the changes the body will undergo! This is a great umbrella giving [you] shelter. This is a banner measuring [your] body”. (p. 2) These lines can be considered the origins of the ritual that was described much later as follows: “A Tibetan was dying… His name accompanied by invocations was written on an umbrella-shaped shield covered with a khadak. Food was left in front of it; it was revered”.[99] “The deceased’s best clothes were placed in front of the body, with a representation of the person's soul affixed to them… (stamped… on a sheet of paper)”.[100] At this point, one may recall the Tibetan tradition of making flags with representations of the wind-horse indicating the birth date and the wish to ascend like that windhorse.[101] Rolf Alfred Stein also compared the tente du corps (“tent (umbrella) of a body”) with the traditional Tibetan wind-horse flags.9 One can assume that the invocations and the pictures of the soul symbolically represented the merits attained by the deceased during earthly life. It also corresponds to the Tantric concept of body-consciousness according to which the body denotes only the living shell, a means to spend one's life, but never an object for study by a pathologist.[102] It should be added that Richard Gombrich emphasized the similarity and even identity between the notions merits and good karma acquired during one’s lifetime and passed on at rebirth.[103] Describing the transformations of Central Asian shamanic rituals under the influence of Tibetan Buddhism, Kseniia Gerasimova mentioned as essential the fact that the lama performing the ritual was identified with as the god of the corresponding ritual: “The lama acted in the name of Buddha's specific Tantric form. The power of the invocations was secured by the force of Buddha's holiness and the teaching of the Buddhist religion”.[104] In the Tangut ritual text, too, the officiating lama, in accordance with the tradition, glorified Buddha: miụo ldi÷ ẹ pi÷ ụ me tshi÷ e ti÷ ẹi min÷ 跳友冓懺赫鞄飽 “Words cannot express Tathagata's power and wisdom”. (p. 3) Then, the lamaist ritual demanded purification of the dead body which was to be cleansed of evil spirits: ˙ien gi÷ w÷ ¯· phe to si ˙ụ ndźêi / riụ kại mbe ÷ ˙ie ngi÷ w÷ ¯· phe vie / ni÷ ẹi pụ ˙u źon ndi÷ u su rại÷ 僞塹碓檍玖卅跣茆茖声僞塹碓豕追迭哦籟巡地犠 “In the temple, the dead body will be cut, [then the body] will be carried away. [So] the entire illusory nature of [this] world [will be] perceived. The oldest nephew is to carry the head and be more joyful than anybody”.[105] (p. 3) As indicated by the title of this chapter, it concerned the ritual of dismembering conducted in a certain order. One can assume that the initial beheading might possibly be of importance for the posthumous fate of the dead. A lot of peoples developed a special attitude towards the skeleton, the bones. For example, the Buryats had a prohibition on breaking animals’ bones during hunting, especially their skulls.[106] The Tibetans believed that the bones held preserved the soul, and, when performing purification of dead bodies, “…they tended to break the bones of the dead”.[107] These beliefs were linked to the idea that the shelter best home of the soul and the life force in a dead body was the skull. The supposed particular sacral nature of the head is confirmed by funeral (and other) rituals observed by several peoples in Central Asia. For the Tibetans, the soul was linked to a substance of life, the wind, wind-horse dwelling in the shin. If the deceased was someone who had achieved holiness, the soul could find its way to heaven on its own; ordinary secular persons required special rituals performed by a lama and invocations allowing the soul to exit via the top of the dead head.[108] The Mongols associated the head with the notion of sulde (one of its meanings being “the life force”). Galina Galdanova remarks that according to the “Secret History”, Gurbesu, Nayman Dayan-Khan’s mother, ordered that the head of Van-Khan be brought and gave it for sacrifice because Van-Khan belonged to an ancient clan. The legend about ongon Burte says that while the Buryats were moving from Mongolia one of them took along his father's head… as his most cherished treasure.[109] And in the same study there is evidence recorded by Tsyben Zhamtsarano (1880-1942): “…give your gray head to your descendants”.[110] All these actions involving the dismembering of bodies, probably rooted in ancient shamanistic ritual sacrifices, were sanctified by the Buddhist ritual with its primary meaning of magical unification turning into nothingness.19 That initial and final emptiness, the illusory nature of the body is emphasized in the Tangut ritual text as well; there, the body is represented as “the center of emptiness” and likened to “a mass of clouds”, “a reflection of the Moon in the ocean”. As soon as the evil spirits were chased out, the lama addressed the deceased's spirit urging it to abandon the perceived world and everything in it, to reject all components of samsaric existence: feelings, attractions, urges, and to strive towards the Three Jewels of the Buddhist faith. The Tangut text confirms that the tradition was old indeed: thi niuo źi÷ ọn÷ si liwụ lin miẹ źi ÷ phiu so ldi÷ ¯÷ · ndo mbiu ti÷ ẹi ldeш÷ 郁亳昏嶝頂觝淙払凉教茅演孤忸弗 “This is the reason why the one whose life is expiring, whose body is being changed, should seek the protection of the Three Highest Jewels”. (p. 2) Text Transliteration and Translation Ms. Tang 665, p. 1. Pl. 1 (01) liwụ ˙m tsi ti ndzu kụo tsẹш ndziwo liwụ mi ˙i÷ u ndzin ni÷ ẹ wạ si÷ u ÷ (02) ˙wê lo mi ˙iu rại ndzi÷ e mi li÷ e źi÷ ẹ ph÷ ¯ ˙ie si÷ u tśhi÷ o ri÷ ụ ndzi÷ wo ÷ (03) liwụ ˙m ndzu kụo ldeш niaш ÷ (04) źiọn si liwụ lin ndi÷ u ti ndzu / ndzi÷ wo liwụ nga ngu nd÷ ·i tśôn siu ÷ (05) rại ndzie mi ndu xi÷ a ri÷ ạ ndzi÷ ạ / ri÷ ụ kha tṣi ˙m tha vi÷ ¯÷ siu ÷ (06) ndźiọn si÷ u nga ngu lhi÷ ẹi to si÷ u / lhi÷ ẹi r÷ ¯· liẹ ngôn źi÷ ẹ kha śi÷ a ÷ (07) tha lhiẹi źi÷ ẹ kha to ldi÷ ¯÷ · niaш / li÷ ẹ ngôn źi÷ ẹ kha lhi÷ ẹi mi ndi÷ u ÷ Ms. Tang 665, p. 2. Pl. 2 (08) riụ kha tṣi ˙m tha vi÷ ¯÷ siu / źi÷ ọn si liwụ lin nw÷ ¯ tsin ldeш (09) źiọn si liwụ lin mi÷ ẹ swi ni÷ e sọ kại rạ ndai tṣi źi tha vi÷ ¯÷ siu mi ÷ (10) ngwi lwo źi¯÷ · kw¯· tṣi min nw¯ tsin ldeш thi niuo źi÷ ọn si liwụ lin ÷ (11) miẹ źi phi÷ u so ldi÷ ¯÷ · ndo mbiu ti÷ ẹi ldeш ÷ (12) źiọn si liwụ lin vi÷ ə÷ tsin na / thi tha ˙ia ta mbi÷ u ngi÷ ẹi ti÷ ẹi ÷ (13) thi l¯ wo ta na liwụ ndzạ /thi ndźi÷ u wo ta mi÷ e ˙o ti÷ ẹi ÷ (14) thi nie wo ta ni÷ en dźi÷ e ti÷ ẹi / thi rụo ˙ụ ta ngwi ldeш ngwu ÷ Ms. Tang 665, p. 3. Pl. 3 (15)˙ie ngi÷ w÷ ə̣ tśia vi÷ e śi÷ ei ÷ (16) źiọn si liwụ lin vi÷ ¯÷ tsɪn na / miụo ldi÷ ẹ pi÷ ụ me tshi÷ e ti÷ ẹi min ÷ (17) nga ˙m mbi ˙ê mbie ndźiwon tha / phi÷ u tseш lhi pụ ˙in źi÷ ọn si ÷ (18) ldạ ˙u tsẹш riẹ na si÷ wo źon / ˙i÷ e ngi÷ w÷ ¯· phe to si ˙ụ ndźêi (19) riụ kại mbe ˙i÷ e ngi÷ w÷ ə̣ phe vie / ni÷ ẹi pụ ˙u źon ndi÷ u su rại ÷ (20) liwụ lin ndzi÷ e ngi m÷ tśhia śi÷ ¯÷ / nde ld·i nie ngwu tha lhi÷ ¯÷ we (21) ziẹ min ni÷ e ngwu nda śi÷ ¯÷ na / lại liu ni÷ e ta vi÷ ei ka na ÷ Ms. Tang 665, p. 4. Pl. 4 (22) khu ndźiei ni÷ e ta tin in na / mi ngẹш ni÷ e ngwu śi÷ ¯÷ ldeш ngwu (23) liwụ lin ndzi÷ e ngi xi÷ a ˙in tsin / źi÷ ọn si liwụ lin vi÷ ¯÷ tsin na (24) mụ mie ˙i÷ e ni÷ a ti źon zi÷ ẹ / tha ˙u ˙in ndźi÷ e ngo ki zi÷ ẹ ÷ (25) rại ˙iạ ki li÷ wụ nda lin / thi÷ e źi÷ ẹ thi mi÷ e mb÷ ¯ ndźio ldeш ÷ (26) lhi pụ viẹi ˙u na tsi÷ wụ źi÷ ẹ / ri÷ ụ kha ndzu a źi khwa ka ÷ (27) nde ldị nie ngwu ˙in ˙a tśhi÷ o / tha khwai ˙u ngwu ˙in nda na ÷ (28) tha źi mie ngwu ˙in nda na / tha kê ˙i÷ e ngwu ˙in nda na ÷ Pl. 1 - manuscript Tang 665, page 1 Pl. 2 - manuscript Tang 665, page 2 Pl. 3 - manuscript Tang 665, page 3 Pl. 4 - manuscript Tang 665, page 4 (01) Do not feel affection for [your] body and do not love it! A human body is short-lived, you are about to borrow another.[111] (02) Noble birth and wealth are temporary, like the material world, and passing like bubbles on water. Therefore, (03) It should not be attached to [thy] body. (04) Life ends, the body will undergo changes,[112] do not be attached [to it].[113] A human body is like the center of emptiness,[114] an accumulation of clouds. (05) It does not exist for long, it perishes soon. Such is the law of [this] world.[115] (06) Like the center of emptiness, like the rising Moon with its reflection[116] in the ocean water. (07) Though the Moon is reflected in the water, [it is] not there, the Moon is not in the ocean. (08) This is like the law for [this] world. Life ends, the body will undergo changes; it should be recognized.[117] (09) The life of someone’s name is expiring; the body will undergo changes, be changed in the Three worlds,[118] everything obeys this law.[119] (10) A human body is not a solid fruit, it does not have a [solid] basis; it should be recognized. (11) This is the reason why one whose life is drawing to its end and whose body is undergoing changes, should seek protection from the Three Highest Jewels.[120] (12) Listen about the extinguishing of life and about the changes which the body will undergo! This is the great umbrella which can give [you] shelter. (13) This is the banner measuring [your] life.[121] This is the explanation of the place where the [earthly] glory dwells. (14) This is where consciousness resides, like a pearl [in a shell]. [At the same time] this vessel of evil is [nothing but] the outer cover. (15) Ritual [sequence] of cutting in the temple (16) Listen about the extinguishing of life and about the changes which the body will undergo! No words can express the might and wisdom of Tathāgata![122] (17) My might is great, my name is glorious, [I am] the greatest descendant [from the clan] of Tathāgata [himself],[123] (18) [I] hold a skillfully sharpened ax in [my] hands. In the temple, the dead body will be dissected, [then the body] will be taken away. (19) [So,] all illusory nature[124] of [this] world [will be] revealed.[125] The oldest nephew is holding the head, more joyful than anybody around.[126] (20) The body has undergone changes, and the disciple will ascend to heaven! With heart-mind36 full of joy, [he] will be reborn in Buddha's land. (21) Go with [your] mind cleansed of perplexity!37 Purify [your] mind of passion and greed! (22) Do not hurry [your] mind when it is being perfected. [You] should leave with [your] mind purified of all perplexity! (23) The body undergoes changes, the disciple must recognize it now! Listen about the exhausting of life and about the changes which the body will undergo! (24) The dark earthly habitat cannot withstand testing. When [you] dwell in it, there come sicknesses-obstacles.38 (25) Lots of days passing, the body will undergo changes. That habitat must be left behind now. (26) [When] the descendant,39 an ax in his hand, touches the head,40 he will release [you] from everything [in this] world, whatever [you] loved and [whatever you] submitted to. (27) Ascend [to heaven] with joyous heart-mind!41 Having played [your part] in this great play, go ahead! (28) Having sacrificed a lot, go ahead! Having obeyed the Great Law, go ahead!42 The Wholeness of Ritual Tradition in Historical Prospective Finally, we should pay attention to the semantic similarity between this ritual text and the Tibetan treatise “Bardo Thodol”,43 also known as the involving other sources. The “oldest nephew” and the “oldest descendant” mentioned here imply the importance of paternal filiation common for the family ties existing in Tangut society at that time (KYCHANOV 1997, 72-78). The text actually mentions two descendants: the oldest member of the clan who dissects the body, and the “oldest nephew” who is to hold the head, but these two might well be the same person. Besides, it remains unclear whether the “descendant” and the lama performing the ritual and identifying himself as Tathagata are two people or one. 36 The text reads “with joyous mind”; cf. commentary to fn. 4. 37 Lit. “with your mind [from which] all obstacles have been removed”. 38 I.e. obstacles on the path to liberation. 39 Cf. fn. 39. 40 Evidently, cutting the head off in accordance with the ritual. 41 Lit. “with joyous mind”; cf. Preface, fn. 5. 42 I am very grateful to Kirill Solonin for the assistance he rendered during the translation. 43 Its title has been transcribed in more than one way. “Tibetan Book of the Dead”,[127] that has been extremely popular (if that word is appropriate for such compositions) in Europe since 1927, when it was translated into English and commented on by Carl Gustav Jung (1875- 1961). That work, presumably written in the 9th c., has been ascribed to Padmasambhava. It used to be one of the “clandestine texts” or “concealed books” hidden when Buddhists were persecuted at that moment in history.[128] In the course of time that text, or rather, an entire set of texts have undergone inevitable changes; it was not written down until the 14th c., in the version subsequently edited in English translation by Walter Evans-Wentz (1878- 1965). Admittedly, the teaching concerning the existence in the intermediary state between death and rebirth (Sansk. antarābhava, Tib. bardo) was thoroughly covered in the Buddhist canon and philosophical treatises. That teaching was especially well-known and widely applied in practice in Tibet. The process must have involved writing ritual texts of various length and structure, in which the basic ideas were presented in a form easy to understand and use in practice, so the “Bardo Thodol” might well be just another text of that type. Returning to the Tangut ritual funeral text, we can safely assume that it also was one following the teaching of bardo and intended for use in everyday practice. It was genetically and ideologically related to the doctrine and the “Bardo Thodol” text, reflecting the same key values. Therefore, the Tangut text was supposed to confirm the veracity of the Teaching and to attest of the fact that, while transferred, the Teaching had not been interrupted. References EVANS-WENTZ, Walter 1951: The Tibetan Book of the Dead [2nd ed.]. Oxford: Oxford Univetsity Press. Filosofiia Buddizma. Entsiklopediia 2011: [Buddhist philosophy. An encyclopedia]. Moscow: Vostochnaia literatura. GALDANOVA G.R. 1987: Dolamaistskie verovaniia Buriat [Pre-lamaistic beliefs of the Buryats]. Novosibirsk: Nauka. GERASIMOVA K.M. 1980: “O nekotorykh aspektakh assimiliatsii dobuddiiskikh kul’tov po tibetskim obriadnikam” [On certain aspects of the assimilation of pre-Buddhist beliefs traced in Tibetan ritual texts]. Buddizm i srednevekovaia kul’tura narodov Tsentral’noi Azii. [Buddhism and the medieval culture of the Central Asian peoples]. Novosibirsk: Nauka, 54-83. GERASIMOVA K.M. 1981: “Tibetoiazychnye obriadniki lamaizirovannogo kul’ta shamanskikh predkov” [Ritual texts in Tibetan dealing with the lamaized cult of Shamanic ancestors]. Buddizm i traditsionnye verovaniia narodov Tsentral’noi Azii [Buddhism and the traditional beliefs of the Central Asian peoples]. Novosibirsk: Nauka, 110-131. GOMBRICH R.F. 1996: How Buddhism Began. The Conditioned Genesis of the Early Teachings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. GRANE, Marcel 2008: Kitaiskaia tsivilizatsiia [Chinese Civilization]. Moscow: Algorithm. GRANET, Marcel 1994: La civilization chinoise. Paris: Albin Michel. GUENTHER H.V. 1986: The Life and Teaching of Nāropa. Boston: Shambala Publications. KYCHANOV E.I. 1997: More znachenii, ustanovlennykh sviatymi. Faximile ksilographa [A Sea of meanings established by the saints. Facsimile edition, translation from Tangut, foreword, commentary and appendixes by E.I. Kychanov]. St. Petersburg: Peterburgskoe Vostokovedenie (Pamiatniki kul’tury Vostoka IV). KYCHANOV E.I. 2006: Slovar tangutskogo (Xixia) iazyka [Tangut-Russian-English-Chinese Dictionary]. Kyoto: Kyoto University. KYCHANOV E.I. 2008: Istoriia tangutskogo gosudarstva [History of the Tangut State]. St. Petersburg: Fakul’tet filologii i iskusstv Sankt-Peterburgskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. KYCHANOV E.I., SAVITSKY L.S. 1975: Liudi i bogi strany snegov [The People and Gods of the Land of Snows]. Moscow: Nauka. NEVSKY N.A. 1960: Tangutskaia filologiia. Issledovaniia i slovar’. [Tangut philology. Study and dictionary], vols. 1, 2. Moscow: Izdatel’stvo vostochnoi literatury. SOFRONOV M.V. 1968: Grammatika tangutskogo iazyka [The Grammar of the Tangut Language], vols. 1, 2. Moscow: Nauka. SOLONIN K.Yu. 2007: Obretenie ucheniia. Traditsiia Khuayan’-Chan’ v Buddisme tangutskogo gosudarstva Sisia [Acquiring the teaching. The Chuayan’-Chan’ tradition in Buddhism of the Tangut state Xixia]. St. Petersburg: Izdatel’stvo Sankt-Peterburgskogo universiteta. STEIN R.A. 1970: “Un document ancient relatif aux rites funéraires des bon-po tibétains”. Journal Asiatique 258, fasc. 1-2, 155-186. Tibetskaia kniga mertvykh 1994: [The Tibetan Book of the Dead]. Transl. from English. St. Petersburg: Izdatel’stvo Chernyshova. TORCHINOV E.A. 2008: Kratkaia istoriia Buddisma [A brief history of Buddhism]. St. Petersburg: Amphora. TSYBIKOV G.Ts. 1991: Izbrannye trudy [Selected works], vols. 1, 2. Novosibirsk: Nauka. VOSTRIKOV A.I. 2007: Tibetskaia istoricheskaia literatura [Tibetan historical literature], 2nd ed. St. Petersburg: Peterburgskoe Vostokovedenie.

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About the authors

Kirill M. Bogdanov

Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, Russian Academy of Sciences

Author for correspondence.
Email: khmae@list.ru
SPIN-code: 4505-5678
Russian Federation

References

  1. EVANS-WENTZ, Walter 1951: The Tibetan Book of the Dead [2nd ed.]. Oxford: Oxford Univetsity Press
  2. Filosofiia Buddizma. Entsiklopediia 2011: [Buddhist philosophy. An encyclopedia]. Moscow: Vostochnaia literatura
  3. GALDANOVA G.R. 1987: Dolamaistskie verovaniia Buriat [Pre-lamaistic beliefs of the Buryats]. Novosibirsk: Nauka
  4. GERASIMOVA K.M. 1980: “O nekotorykh aspektakh assimiliatsii dobuddiiskikh kul’tov po tibetskim obriadnikam” [On certain aspects of the assimilation of pre-Buddhist beliefs traced in Tibetan ritual texts]. Buddizm i srednevekovaia kul’tura narodov Tsentral’noi Azii. [Buddhism and the medieval culture of the Central Asian peoples]. Novosibirsk: Nauka, 54-83
  5. GERASIMOVA K.M. 1981: “Tibetoiazychnye obriadniki lamaizirovannogo kul’ta shamanskikh predkov” [Ritual texts in Tibetan dealing with the lamaized cult of Shamanic ancestors]. Buddizm i traditsionnye verovaniia narodov Tsentral’noi Azii [Buddhism and the traditional beliefs of the Central Asian peoples]. Novosibirsk: Nauka, 110-131
  6. GOMBRICH R.F. 1996: How Buddhism Began. The Conditioned Genesis of the Early Teachings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
  7. GRANE, Marcel 2008: Kitaiskaia tsivilizatsiia [Chinese Civilization]. Moscow: Algorithm
  8. GRANET, Marcel 1994: La civilization chinoise. Paris: Albin Michel
  9. GUENTHER H.V. 1986: The Life and Teaching of Nāropa. Boston: Shambala Publications
  10. KYCHANOV E.I. 1997: More znachenii, ustanovlennykh sviatymi. Faximile ksilographa [A Sea of meanings established by the saints. Facsimile edition, translation from Tangut, foreword, commentary and appendixes by E.I. Kychanov]. St. Petersburg: Peterburgskoe Vostokovedenie (Pamiatniki kul’tury Vostoka IV)
  11. KYCHANOV E.I. 2006: Slovar tangutskogo (Xixia) iazyka [Tangut-Russian-English-Chinese Dictionary]. Kyoto: Kyoto University
  12. KYCHANOV E.I. 2008: Istoriia tangutskogo gosudarstva [History of the Tangut State]. St. Petersburg: Fakul’tet filologii i iskusstv Sankt-Peterburgskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta
  13. KYCHANOV E.I., SAVITSKY L.S. 1975: Liudi i bogi strany snegov [The People and Gods of the Land of Snows]. Moscow: Nauka
  14. NEVSKY N.A. 1960: Tangutskaia filologiia. Issledovaniia i slovar’. [Tangut philology. Study and dictionary], vols. 1, 2. Moscow: Izdatel’stvo vostochnoi literatury
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