Southern Russian stød: Phonetics or phonology?

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Abstract

Prosodic systems of Southern Russian dialects spoken in the regions of Kaluga, Ryazan’, and Lipetsk possess a specific rising tonal accent H*+^H* (level high + rising + level extra-high + falling tone) utilized in yes-no questions and non-final parts of utterances. In the oldest speakers’ speech this accent is accompanied by some kind of laryngeal activity, acoustic correlates of which are quite similar to those of Danish stød: it is a non-modal phonation type (glottal squeak) where the first part of the syllable is characterized acoustically by a high intensity level; in the second part there is a considerable decrease in intensity, a noticeable leap in fundamental frequency, and an evident aperiodicity of the speech signal; on the boundary between the two phases most speakers have a strong glottal constriction. Phonologically, the F0 perturbation of Danish stød is a side effect of laryngealization and the stød itself, bound to definite syllables in certain word types, and is seen as a single object attaching to a particular node in the metrical structure, not a composite tonal entity; while in Russian dialects it is a significant part of the H*+^H*pitch accent, used to distinguish it from the very similar L*+H* one found in narrow focus statements. Diachronically, Russian “stød” in the H*+^H* pitch accent may be seen as a consequence of the compression of an archaic L*+H H- L% melodic contour into one syllable; nowadays the original H*+^H* accent seems to be transforming into the much simpler H* found in Western Russian dialects.

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Sergey V. Knyazev

Vinogradov Russian Language Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences

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Email: svknia@gmail.com
Russian Federation, Moscow

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Supplementary files

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2. Fig. 1. The phonogram, oscillogram, and dynamic spectrogram of the word læser ‘reads’ with pronounced laryngealization (creaky voice) and a jump in F0 (left); with weaker laryngealization without F0 perturbation (middle); without stød (right) in the pronunciation of the same speaker of Copenhagen Danish. The arrows indicate the location of laryngealization [Grønnum et al. 2013: 70, fig. 1].

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3. Fig. 2. Oscillogram (top), dynamic spectrogram (bottom), intensity envelope (bottom line) of the word nǟ’dõ ‘to see’ (spontaneous speech, female voice). The place of larynx is indicated by the sign ä with an apostrophe (ä’) [Tuisk 2015: 33, fig. 7].

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4. Fig. 3. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope, the oscillogram and the dynamic spectrogram of the private question What is there (lies)?; SRLYa: a rising pitch accent in the super-high register (500 → 850 Hz) with laryngealization (glottal squeak) in the second half of the stressed vowel, the beginning of which is marked by an apostrophe (the oscillogram and spectrogram show the aperiodicity of the signal and the associated drop in intensity in the region of a long-lasting super-high tone)

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5. Fig. 4. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope, the oscillogram and the dynamic spectrogram of the statement with a narrow focus Hands!; BED1925, Rekta village, Goretsky district, Mogilev region: a descending pitch accent in the low register with laryngealization in the middle of the stressed vowel (the oscillogram and spectrogram show the aperiodicity of the signal and the associated drop in intensity in the area of ​​the tonal minimum)

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6. Fig. 5. Curve of CHOT of repeated questions Smorod? Sloy? Stepwise ascending accent in low register, MKF1943-Nekhochi

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7. Fig. 6. The CHOT curve of the unfinished syntagma of Navila… Stepwise rising accent in the low register, MKF1943-Nehochi

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8. Fig. 7. The CHOT curve of the question Oh, are you crazy, I say? Stepwise rising accent in the low register, MKF1943-Nekhochi

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9. Fig. 8. The CHOT curve of the unfinished syntagma A died… Stepwise rising accent in the low register, MKF1943-Nekhochi

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10. Fig. 9. Curve of the CHOT re-question U oat? Stepwise ascending accent in the low register, MKF1943-Nehochi

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11. Fig. 10. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope and the oscillogram of the general question Dali nam? Stepped ascending accent in the high register, MVI1942-Berno. The intensity of the second part of the stressed vowel is significantly lower than in the first part (although the tone is higher); the oscillogram shows the aperiodicity of the signal in the second half of the accented vowel.

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12. Fig. 11. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope and the oscillogram of the general question You? Stepped rising accent in the high register, ШАВ1939-Берно. The oscillogram and the intensity envelope show a decrease in intensity in the second third of the vowel.

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13. Fig. 12. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope and the oscillogram of the unfinished syntagma Below… Stepped rising accent in the high register, MVI1942-Berno. The intensity in the second part of the stressed vowel decreases (although the tone is higher); the oscillogram shows aperiodicity of the signal (glottal squeak) in the second half of the stressed vowel.

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14. Fig. 13. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope and the oscillogram of the unfinished syntagma I know that my mother… Stepwise rising accent in the high register, MVI1942-Berno. The oscillogram shows a clear aperiodicity of the signal (glottal squeak) in the last third of the stressed vowel.

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15. Fig. 14. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope, the oscillogram and the dynamic spectrogram of the unfinished syntagma I say, there are four of you... Stepwise rising accent in the high register, MVI1942-Berno. The intensity of the second part of the stressed vowel is significantly lower than in the first part; the oscillogram and spectrogram show aperiodicity of the signal (glottal squeak) in the third quarter of the accented vowel.

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16. Fig. 15. The CHOT curve and the dynamic spectrogram of the unfinished syntagma They hire a taxi… Stepped rising accent in the high register, MVI1942-Berno. The intonogram and spectrogram show the aperiodicity of the signal (glottal squeak) in the second half of the accented vowel.

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17. Fig. 16. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope and the oscillogram of the general question Before reaching Meshcherskaya? Stepped rising accent in the high register, MVI1942-Berno. The intensity in the second part of the stressed vowel decreases; the oscillogram shows aperiodicity of the signal in the second half of the stressed vowel.

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18. Fig. 17. The HF curve, the intensity envelope, the oscillogram and the dynamic spectrogram of the general question. See? Stepped ascending accent in the high register, MVI1942-Berno.

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19. Fig. 18. The CHOT curve of the unfinished syntagma Already I was married... MVI1942-Berno: rising “stepped” accent in the low register without laryngealization.

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20. Fig. 19. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope, and the oscillogram of the general question Sladkie? Stepped rising accent in the high register, MM1913-Khavertovo. The intensity in the second part of the stressed vowel decreases (although the tone is higher); the oscillogram shows aperiodicity of the signal in the second half of the stressed vowel.

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21. Fig. 20. The CHOT curve, oscillogram and dynamic spectrogram of the general question (Is this your) such a duty? Stepwise ascending accent in the high register, SME1914-Novopanskoe. The oscillogram and spectrogram show the aperiodicity of the signal (glottal squeak) in the last part of the stressed vowel.

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22. Fig. 21. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope, the oscillogram and the dynamic spectrogram of the general question (How we worked,) will you make someone? Stepwise rising accent in the high register, SME1914-Novopanskoe. The intensity in the second part of the stressed vowel decreases (although the tone is higher); the oscillogram and spectrogram show aperiodicity of the signal (glottal squeak) in the second half of the stressed vowel.

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23. Fig. 22. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope, the oscillogram and the dynamic spectrogram of the general question. Was the Tsep probably burned too? Stepwise ascending accent in the high register, GPP1911-Stsepnoe. The intensity in the second part of the stressed vowel is significantly lower than in the first (although the tone is higher); the oscillogram and spectrogram show the aperiodicity of the signal (glottal squeak) in the second part of the accented vowel.

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24. Fig. 23. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope, the oscillogram and the dynamic spectrogram of the repeated question Petukh? Stepwise rising accent in the high register, GPP1911-Stsepnoe. The intensity in the second part of the stressed vowel is significantly lower than in the first (although the tone is higher); the oscillogram and spectrogram show the aperiodicity of the signal (glottal squeak) in the second part of the stressed vowel.

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25. Fig. 24. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope, the oscillogram and the dynamic spectrogram of the unfinished syntagma We'd go to Yelets... Stepwise rising accent in the high register, TSEYa1924-Stsepnoe. The oscillogram and spectrogram show the presence of a laryngeal narrowing in the middle of the stressed vowel.

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26. Fig. 25. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope, the oscillogram and the dynamic spectrogram of the statement (Mama was) a mother-heroine! A stepped ascending accent in the low register, GAE1912-Pecherniki. The oscillogram and spectrogram show that there is no aperiodicity of the signal.

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27. Fig. 26. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope, the oscillogram and the dynamic spectrogram of the statement (And my mother wouldn't give me up for it! Stepped rising accent in the low register, GAE1912-Pecherniki. The intensity in the second part of the stressed vowel is significantly higher than in the first; there is no aperiodicity of the signal.

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28. Fig. 27. Tonal accents in the high H*+^H* and low L*+H* registers: average values ​​of the PAT at the beginning of a pre-stressed vowel, at its end and at the beginning of a stressed vowel in the idiolect of informant GPP1911 (Stsepnoe village)

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29. Fig. 28. The curve of the CHOT of the Sukonnykh statement is now gone. Stepwise ascending accents in the high and low register, SAA1903-Stsepnoe

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30. Fig. 29. The curve of the CHOT statement of the Sheepskin was given to do. Stepped ascending accents in the high and low register, SAA1903-Stsepnoe

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31. Fig. 30. The CHOT curve of the statement Here is a rich bearded man! Stepped ascending accents in high and low register, BNF1913-Stsepnoe

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32. Fig. 31. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope, the oscillogram and the dynamic spectrogram of the statement Uprosila! CEYA1924-Coupling: a descending "stepwise" accent without laryngealization on a stressed vowel.

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33. Fig. 32. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope, the oscillogram and the dynamic spectrogram of the statement (Now we have) currants! CEYA1924-Coupling: descending "stepwise" accent without laryngealization on the stressed vowel.

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34. Fig. 33. The curve of the general question Have you seen her man? (Vadyuga village, Verkhnetoyemsky district, Arkhangelsk region): weakly centered "hat" construction with a high phrasal tone N- when formulating a general question in the Northern Russian dialect

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35. Fig. 34. Curve CHOT of the phrase In the spring, probably, our men went beyond the river, there was a storm, and they spent the night there beyond the river (village Moseevo, Mezensky district, Arkhangelsk region): "word-by-word" tonal design in the northern Russian dialect with ascending non-nuclear tonal accents in the upper register

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36. Fig. 35. The curve of the general question (Are you carrying a newspaper today?) (Artyushino village, Belozersky district, Vologda region): weakly centered "hat" construction with a high phrasal tone H- when formulating a general question in the Northern Russian dialect, rising accent with late timing

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37. Fig. 36. The curve of the general question CHOT Do you also have one (oven)? KIS1912 (village Popovka, Staroyurevsky district, Tambov region): weakly centered "hat" construction without phrasal tone when formulating a general question in the southern Russian dialect

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38. Fig. 37. The curve of the phrase CHOT (The bee flies away) finds a place for itself in the front, and then it takes its family. PAP1897 (Boyanovichi village, Khvastovichsky district, Kaluga region) [36]: “word-by-word” tonal design in the southern Russian dialect with ascending non-nuclear tonal accents in the middle register

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39. Fig. 38. Have you seen the CHOT curve of the general question (Lapti-to)? EPN1933 (village Kai, Verkhnekamsky district, Kirov region): intermediate "stepped" ascending accent, realized on two syllables

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40. Fig. 39. The curve of the general question Are you baptized? EPN1933 (village Kai, Verkhnekamsky district, Kirov region): intermediate "stepped" ascending accent, realized on two syllables

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41. Fig. 40. The CHOT curve of the affirmative sentence But before, everything was smaller. AEN1932 (village Kai, Verkhnekamsky district, Kirov region): post-nuclear accent H*+^H* on the word all

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42. Fig. 41. The CHOT curve of the unfinished syntagma How you come home… CHTV1931 (Ovinishchi village, Gavrilov-Yamsky district, Yaroslavl region): “intermediate” melodic contour with a tonal accent, realized on two syllables

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43. Fig. 42. The CHOT curve of the unfinished syntagma Poddevai bol'shi! KTYa1930 (Vakulino village, Prechistensky district, Yaroslavl region). The melodic contour L*(+H>) H- L% with laryngealization, compressed due to its implementation on one syllable. The intensity in the second part of the stressed syllable is significantly lower than in the first (although the tone is significantly higher); the oscillogram and spectrogram show glottalization at the junction of the stressed vowel and the consonant following it.

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44. Fig. 43. The curve of the affirmative sentence Two people drowned in the pools. MO1909 (Gorka village, Verkhnetoyemsky district, Arkhangelsk region): post-nuclear accent H*+^H* on the words drowned and pools

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45. Fig. 44. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope, the oscillogram and the dynamic spectrogram of the Grid statement! RAA1919 (Veegora village, Pinezhsky district, Arkhangelsk region): the melodic contour L*(+H) H- L% with laryngealization compressed due to the implementation on one syllable. The intensity in the second part of the stressed vowel is significantly lower than in the first (although the tone is higher); the oscillogram and spectrogram show the aperiodicity of the signal in the second part of the vowel.

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46. Fig. 45. The CHOT curve, the intensity envelope, the oscillogram and the dynamic spectrogram of the statement (She and) sits! MO1909 (Gorka village, Verkhnetoyemsky district, Arkhangelsk region): the melodic contour L*(+H) H- L% with laryngealization, compressed due to its implementation on one syllable. The intensity in the second part of the stressed vowel is significantly lower than in the first (although the tone is higher); the oscillogram and spectrogram show glottalization in the middle of the vowel.

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47. Fig. 46. The CHOT curve, oscillogram, dynamic spectrogram and intensity envelope of the general question And we sat splendidly? (IK-3, left) and the exclamation And we sat splendidly! (IK-7, right); SRLYa. The oscillogram and spectrogram of the exclamatory sentence clearly show the glottal stop after the accented vowel of the accent-carrying word form and the devoicing of the following consonant.

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48. Fig. 47. The CHOT curve, oscillogram, dynamic spectrogram and intensity envelope of the general question Good? (IK-3, left) and the exclamation Good! (IK-7, right); SRLYa. The oscillogram and spectrogram of the exclamatory sentence show a glottal stop after the accented vowel of the accent-carrying word form; the difference in tonal accents is clearly visible on the intonationogram.

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